The Origins of a Program Unlike Any Other
The Nansen Program is unlike anything else in the Western world. It is not subject to electoral cycles or the whims of the U.S. administration. It was designed to last, approved by all political parties in the Storting, and funded through a mechanism that derives its legitimacy not from strategic calculation but from a conviction: freedom is non-negotiable. Of the 85 billion kroner earmarked for 2026, the 70 billion for military aid makes up the bulk—but the civilian component remains, serving as a reminder that Ukraine also needs to rebuild hospitals, schools, and its economy.
By March 2025, the Norwegian government and opposition leaders had already agreed to increase the budget to 85 billion kroner, up from the 35 billion approved in November 2024. This increase is no accident—it follows the logic of a nation that understood, sooner than its neighbors, that underinvesting in collective defense costs more in the long run than paying the price now.
A 50% Increase in the Defense Budget
In June 2026, Oslo announced a 50% increase in its defense budget to support the effort. The total proposed Norwegian defense budget for 2026 stands at 180 billion kroner, with an additional 4.2 billion (approximately 360 million euros) allocated for the implementation of the long-term development plan for its armed forces. Norway is thus one of the few NATO countries to exceed the 3% of GDP threshold—a strong signal to Washington, which can no longer complain about a lack of European effort when Oslo is doing what Berlin has been promising for years.
Prime Minister Støre noted that Norway, in partnership with Germany, is co-financing two Patriot air defense systems for Ukraine, including the missiles. Oslo is also investing in direct industrial production on Ukrainian soil—no longer simply by sending equipment, but by building factories, training engineers, and creating production lines that will outlast the war.
Norway is doing something rare in international politics: it is keeping its word. And in a world where promises of aid often get lost between conferences and budget lines, that is almost revolutionary.
The Drone Deal and Co-Production: Ukraine as an Industrial Partner
Manufacturing in Ukraine, for Ukraine
The Drone Deal may represent the most significant paradigm shift in this partnership. It is no longer just about delivering equipment—it is about manufacturing together. In November 2025, the defense ministers of both countries signed an agreement calling for the launch of an initial pilot production line in 2026. In April 2026, President Zelensky traveled to Oslo to strengthen this partnership, co-signing a Joint Declaration on Enhanced Cooperation in Defense and Security.
Specifically, this agreement provides for the co-manufacture of several thousand medium-range strike drones on Norwegian soil—the first joint Ukraine-Norway industrial venture in this field. In May 2026, the two countries agreed that all deliveries would be intended exclusively for the Ukrainian Defense Forces. Kongsberg Defense and Aerospace opened an official office in Kyiv, with two concrete projects: to develop a low-cost surface-to-air missile compatible with the NASAMS system, and to jointly develop naval surface drones armed with Kongsberg modules.
$127 million for maritime drones, $300 million via NATO
In June 2026, Oslo confirmed the allocation of an additional $127 million for the development and acquisition of maritime drones as part of a Ukraine-Norway industrial partnership. The goal: to build the 200th naval surface drone by the end of the year. These drones, whose strike capabilities have already been demonstrated in the Black Sea, are among the most disruptive weapons of the conflict—capable of striking Russian warships without putting pilots at risk.
At the same time, Oslo has committed more than $300 million through NATO’s PURL (Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List) mechanism, a program for the joint procurement of U.S. arms for Ukraine. This mechanism, to which Norway contributes beyond its usual annual allocation of $7 billion, helps fund specific equipment—notably high-precision munitions—that Ukraine cannot yet produce in sufficient quantities.
There is something profoundly sincere about the Norwegian approach: they not only provide the weapons, but also the factories to manufacture them. It is a long-term vision that goes far beyond the usual generosity of donor nations.
The Expanded Danish Model: The EU Draws Inspiration from It
Following Copenhagen’s Lead to Fund Kyiv
Norway is not alone in this approach. It is part of a group of countries—Denmark, Sweden, Canada, and the Netherlands—that have adopted and expanded what is known as the Danish model: directly funding the production of Ukrainian weapons rather than supplying their own equipment. This model has caught on in Brussels. On June 30, 2026, the European Union made an initial disbursement of 3.9 billion euros into the Special Fund of the Ukrainian budget, which is entirely earmarked for the production of Ukrainian weapons. This is the first disbursement from a specific €6 billion drone package, announced by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the Ukraine Reconstruction Conference in Rome on June 25.
This European mechanism is based on a 90-billion-euro loan—the Ukraine Support Loan—whose 2026 allocation totals 45 billion, divided between 16.7 billion for the general Ukrainian budget and 28.3 billion for defense industrial capabilities. To put it plainly: Europe is no longer providing charity. It is investing in an industrial partner where 90% of newly authorized weapons systems are now domestically produced in Ukraine, up from 70% a year ago.
When Norwegian Taxpayers Fund Europe’s Future
The Norwegian parliament has debated the possibility of using its sovereign wealth fund to further increase this aid. This fund—the largest in the world, with nearly 1,700 billion dollars in assets—represents a reserve that Norway has so far refused to mobilize on a massive scale, but the discussion itself is revealing. In what other democracy does a parliament seriously consider committing its sovereign wealth fund to support a partner at war? It is a matter of values, not just strategy.
Norwegian NASAMS missiles, F-16 deliveries, 155 mm shells, surface drones, strike drones, and electronic warfare equipment: Norway’s contribution to Ukraine’s defense is now multifaceted. Nammo has quietly supplied Ukraine with a six-figure quantity of N7 anti-armor warheads for drones, which have been operational since at least early 2025. This contribution was not confirmed by Jane’s and Defense Express until June 2026.
What Norway has understood—and what some major European countries still seem to be discovering—is that Ukraine is not fighting just for itself. It is fighting for a world order that we all have an interest in defending. Taxpayers in Oslo have grasped this. Now other capitals need to be convinced.
The F-16 fleet and the air component
Fourteen aircraft, and more
Norway transferred 14 F-16 Block 10/15 fighter jets to Ukraine in 2024, according to official data from its conventional arms export report. Sources had initially mentioned only six aircraft—the actual number was therefore more than twice as high as publicly announced. In 2025, additional transfers took place, though the exact number has not yet been disclosed. These F-16s represent a major qualitative boost for the Ukrainian Air Force, enabling interception missions, ground support, and—with German IRIS-T missiles—anti-drone defense.
On June 18, 2026, Oslo confirmed funding for the maintenance of this fleet of F-16s, an aspect often overlooked in discussions about military aid. An aircraft delivered without spare parts, trained technicians, or logistical support contracts quickly becomes unusable. Norway has taken charge of this operational aspect—and it is precisely this kind of detail that makes all the difference on the ground.
Camp Jomsborg: Training Tomorrow’s Soldiers
In October 2025, the Camp Jomsborg training center opened its doors at the Deba-Lip Land Forces Training Center in Poland. Jointly run by Norway and Poland, with participation from the Baltic and Scandinavian states, this center trains Ukrainian troops to NATO standards. Norway’s Nord Brigade oversaw its construction as part of Operation Legio, completing the project in less than a few months—a demonstration of how quickly things can be accomplished when the political will is there.
This infrastructure is not merely a symbolic gesture. It embodies Norway’s long-term commitment: even if the armed conflict were to end tomorrow, Ukraine will need professional armed forces, trained to Western standards, capable of deterring future aggression. Camp Jomsborg is a building block of this deterrence architecture.
Camp Jomsborg: the name sounds like a Viking saga. There’s something deliberate about that—a way of saying that this war is also a fight for the founding values of Nordic civilization, not just a budget line item.
The Impact on the Front Lines: From Money to Tangible Results
Nearly 200 Russian air defense systems neutralized
Norwegian aid—missiles, drones, and training—is having a documented impact on the ground. As of 2026, Ukrainian drone forces have destroyed nearly 200 Russian air defense systems since the start of the year, including 31 in June alone. A recent wave of strikes in late June took out a Pantsir system and two radar stations in occupied Crimea, according to a June 30, 2026, report by Euromaidan Press. These takedowns are no coincidence—they result from a systematic strategy to neutralize Russian air defenses, made possible by the buildup of strike capabilities funded, in part, by countries such as Norway.
Nammo N7 drones have been in operational service since early 2025. NASAMS missiles protect Ukrainian cities. F-16s intercept cruise missiles. And long-range 155-mm shells supply artillery on fronts where every kilometer of Russian advance comes at the cost of hundreds of lives. Drawing a direct line between Oslo’s budget and the results on the front lines is an exercise few analysts undertake—and yet, that line exists; it is real; it is documented.
The War of Attrition: Who Can Hold Out the Longest?
Putin’s strategy rests on a simple gamble: that the West will grow weary before he does. That democracies, with their electoral cycles, volatile public opinion, and budgetary constraints, will eventually succumb to fatigue. The Norwegian model is a direct response to this gamble. By enshrining aid to Ukraine in multi-year budget laws, passed unanimously, Norway is telling Moscow: you’re wrong about our democracies. When they decide to, they can hold out for as long as it takes.
The Nansen Program extends until the end of the war and beyond—and its framework explicitly includes a reconstruction component. This is not a blank check: it is a plan. And in times of war, a plan is worth more than a promise.
Putin is betting on Western exhaustion. Norway is betting on endurance. For now, it is Oslo that is keeping its commitments—and Moscow that must reassess.
International Comparison: Who Does What, Proportionally
The True Ranking of Generosity
When Ukrainian donors are ranked by absolute value, the United States leads—but its aid has dwindled under Trump. When ranked as a proportion of GDP, the hierarchy changes dramatically. Norway comes out on top, with contributions representing a substantial fraction of its national economy—more than the United States, more than Germany, more than France. And without the diplomatic hesitations that characterize some of its allies.
This ranking is significant. It reveals who has truly grasped what is at stake. Some countries contribute a great deal in absolute terms because they are large—but their relative effort remains modest. Others, such as Norway, the Baltic states, and Denmark, are making a disproportionate effort relative to their size, because they know that their own security depends on a Ukrainian victory. This is not altruism: it is geopolitical clarity.
What Others Should Learn from Oslo
The Norwegian model offers several lessons that can be applied elsewhere. First: a multi-year commitment gives Ukraine the ability to plan for the long term, rather than just reacting on a day-to-day basis. Second: investing in Ukrainian industrial production is more effective than supplying foreign equipment, because it creates domestic capacity that is not dependent on international logistics. Third: the parliament’s unanimous vote sends a signal of political solidarity that Moscow cannot ignore. Dividing democracies is more difficult when they are not divided on the essentials.
If these three lessons were replicated across the entire EU and NATO, they would fundamentally shift the balance of power. Norway is not alone—but it is leading the way.
I often say that rhetoric doesn’t win wars. What Norway is doing is the opposite of rhetoric: it is a financial, industrial, and human commitment. And that matters.
Nammo Ammunition and the War on Armored Vehicles
Six Confidential Figures: The N7 Warheads
One of Norway’s most discreet—and most effective—contributions to the war in Ukraine involves Nammo’s N7 anti-armor warheads. According to a Jane’s report cited by Defense Express in June 2026, Ukraine has received a six-figure quantity of this ammunition—several hundred thousand units—which has been operational since at least early 2025. These small warheads, designed to be mounted on FPV drones, can neutralize light armored vehicles, fortified positions, and Russian logistical equipment. Their cumulative impact on the front lines is considerable, even though Norway had never made an official announcement about them.
This discretion is itself telling. The 70 billion kroner announced in the budget is the visible face of the support. But behind these figures lie dozens of technical agreements, industrial contracts, and unpublicized deliveries that constitute the true heart of the partnership. Nammo is not a state-owned enterprise: it is a public-private joint venture between Norway and Finland, whose production lines have been operating at full capacity since 2022. It produces artillery shells, rockets, propellants, and precision munitions—everything Ukraine needs to keep the pressure on Russian lines.
Industrial Sovereignty as a Geopolitical Weapon
What Norway understood before many others is that industrial warfare is just as important as conventional warfare. A country that can produce its own ammunition, its own drones, and its own weapons systems is not dependent on the political cycles of distant allies. That is why Norwegian investments in Ukraine’s domestic production—the co-developed drone lines, the co-produced NASAMS missiles, the co-financed naval drones—are strategically more important than any donation of equipment. They are building an endogenous capacity that will outlast this war.
In 2026, 90% of the new weapons systems authorized by Ukraine are of domestic Ukrainian origin. This figure, reported by Euromaidan Press on June 30, 2026, stood at 70% a year earlier. This dramatic increase is directly linked to foreign investment in Ukraine’s defense industrial base—of which Norway is one of the main drivers. Every euro invested in a factory in Zaporizhzhia or Dnipro is a euro that does not depend on decisions by the U.S. Congress or Hungarian vetoes in Brussels.
The six-figure figures from N7 Nammo offer a rare lesson: wars are also won in the anonymity of industrial contracts and discreet deliveries. Norway has chosen to do both—on a grand scale and in silence.
Conclusion: Oslo as the West's Moral Compass
A Model That Goes Beyond the Military Context
What Norway demonstrates in 2026 is that aid to Ukraine is not a matter of capability—it is a matter of will. Oslo is not proportionally richer than Germany or France. But Oslo has made a clear political choice, one that has been sustained over time and enshrined in law rather than mere verbal promises. The Nansen Program is more than a budget line item—it is a doctrine. And this doctrine deserves to be emulated.
By funding the production of Ukrainian drones, the maintenance of F-16s, NASAMS missiles, soldier training, and the country’s future reconstruction, Norway is sending a fundamental message: Ukraine’s victory is everyone’s victory. This message—simple, direct, and grounded in facts—should be displayed in every European capital that still hesitates to open its checkbook.
What This Budget Says About Us
At its core, the 70 billion Norwegian kroner is a mirror. It reflects what a society can choose to do when it understands what is at stake. And they pose an uncomfortable question to every other Western government: if a country of 5.5 million people can commit 3.4% of its GDP to collective defense, what is your excuse? Norway did not wait for Washington to set the tone. It set its own—and it stands by it.
As of June 30, 2026, the war in Ukraine has lasted more than 1,588 days. Putin is still betting on the West’s exhaustion. But with partners like Oslo, that bet becomes riskier every year. The Nansen program, industrial agreements, maritime drones, NASAMS missiles, F-16s: all evidence that democratic resolve can endure over the long term. And Norway responds, year after year, with the same resolve: you won’t win that battle.
Six billion euros, seventy billion kroner, hundreds of thousands of warheads, drone production lines, F-16s flying over Ukraine: this is the concrete manifestation of what it means to be on the right side of history. Oslo has chosen this path. Deliberately. Without hesitation.
By Maxime Marquette, columnist
Sources
Primary sources
Secondary Sources
United24 Media — How Norway’s Military Aid Pipeline to Ukraine Kept Growing in 2025 — June 29, 2026
This content was created with the help of AI.