A doctor who became one of Europe’s most demanding defense ministers
Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, 42, is Poland’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense in Donald Tusk’s government. A doctor by training and founder of the agrarian PSL party, he embodies a moderate, pro-European right. In a Polish political landscape often divided between the heirs of PiS and the liberals, he occupies a unique position: that of a man who speaks his mind, even when it upsets his allies.
His remarks on the MiG-29s were no accident. They are part of a series of increasingly firm statements regarding Kyiv. On the same day, Kosiniak-Kamysz reiterated his warning about Stepan Bandera: “With Bandera, Ukraine will not join the European Union.” ” He is not a man who minces words, and in the context of all-out war, this candor creates as many problems as it solves.
Poland: A Military Mainstay but a Demanding Partner
Poland was the first country to deliver fighter jets to Ukraine. In the spring of 2023, Warsaw had transferred 14 MiG-29s—a historic decision, hailed in every Western capital. This precedent has set expectations that the minister is now seeking to manage: yes, Poland is an irreplaceable ally of Ukraine, but it has its own security imperatives and its own capability needs to meet.
The context speaks for itself: Poland spends 4.48% of its GDP on defense—the highest level in NATO. It is modernizing its military at a pace few European democracies can match. And it expects genuine reciprocity from its partners, not just expressions of gratitude at Alliance summits.
Poland spends more than any other NATO member. It has Kaliningrad on its border, it has the Suwalki Corridor, and it has a vivid memory of what it means to be a buffer zone. Its demand for reciprocity is not ingratitude—it is planned collective survival. But the art of diplomacy would be to find an arrangement that does not make Ukrainian weakness a condition for Polish aid.
Meanwhile, Sweden is delivering Gripen jets without any conditions
An agreement signed on the same day as the Polish impasse
On June 30, 2026—the very day Kosiniak-Kamysz announced the deadlock over the MiG-29s—President Zelensky signed an agreement with Sweden to purchase 16 Gripen E fighter jets. The announcement was enough to undermine the Polish narrative: while Warsaw is phasing out its Soviet-era fighters, Stockholm is delivering fourth-generation aircraft complete with equipment, technical assistance, and logistical support.
Under previous agreements with Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson, Ukraine is expected to receive its first 16 Gripen C/D fighters as early as the beginning of 2027. These fighters are compatible with NATO munitions—IRIS-T, AIM-9 Sidewinder, AIM-120 AMRAAM, and Meteor missiles. The transition to a combat aviation force that is fully interoperable with the Alliance is underway, with or without the Polish MiG-29s.
Two Conflicting Views on Military Aid
Sweden has supplied Ukraine with tanks, artillery, armored vehicles, and reconnaissance aircraft since the large-scale invasion of 2022. Sweden’s rationale is strategic and free of historical conditions: strengthening Ukraine means strengthening the security of the entire continent. The Gripen was designed for dispersed warfare operations, anticipating Soviet strikes on air bases—a philosophy of resilience that aligns perfectly with Ukraine’s needs in 2026.
The Polish-Ukrainian impasse over drones reveals, by implication, two visions of military aid. The Polish vision is transactional: every transfer must yield a measurable return. The Swedish vision is structural: strengthening Ukraine means investing in Europe’s collective security. Both approaches are consistent in their own right. But in times of active warfare, the second approach yields results more quickly on the ground.
I do not blame Poland for wanting drones in return. Reciprocity is a sound foundation of modern alliances. What bothers me is the timing: publicly exposing the failure of a bilateral negotiation while Russia is bombing Ukraine on a daily basis creates a rift that Moscow will not hesitate to exploit in its propaganda.
The Bandera Issue: The Sticking Point That Eludes the Hunters
A Crisis of Memory at the Heart of a War for Survival
The MiG-29 impasse cannot be understood without its political context. At the heart of the Polish-Ukrainian dispute lies the issue of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). On June 19, 2026, Polish President Karol Nawrocki stripped Zelensky of the Order of the White Eagle after Ukraine named a military unit in honor of the Heroes of the UPA. It was a decision of rare symbolic harshness between two allies in wartime.
The UPA is viewed in Ukraine as a resistance force against Soviet occupation. In Poland, it is associated with the painful events of 1943–1945 in Volhynia. Both of these national memories are real and both are painful. What is counterproductive is that the war against Russia—a war for the survival of European democracy—is being weighed down by a dispute that should be addressed by a permanent bilateral commission, not public ultimatums.
Zelensky Responds with Sovereignty
On June 28, 2026, Zelensky submitted a bill to Parliament to create a National Pantheon to honor distinguished Ukrainians. His response to the Polish ultimatums was unambiguous: “No one will ever dictate to us how to live, how to speak, whom to love, or who our heroes should be. ” This is not arrogance—it is sovereignty asserted in wartime, under bombardment.
Between the Polish position—which makes military aid and EU membership contingent on a symbolic renunciation—and the Ukrainian position—which refuses any capitulation on matters of memory under external pressure—there is room for diplomacy. But that room is shrinking with every forceful public statement from both sides.
What troubles me most about this situation is the asymmetry of the stakes. Poland is negotiating from the safety of a NATO member state protected by Article 5. Ukraine is responding from a country under daily bombardment. This inequality of position should weigh heavily in the moral balance of every ultimatum delivered on television.
The Divisions in Western Aid — A Warning for Brussels
Western Aid: A Patchwork of National Conditions
The MiG-29 affair highlights an uncomfortable reality: Western aid to Ukraine is a patchwork of national decisions—often conditional, always political. Some allies give generously—the Netherlands, Denmark, the United Kingdom, and Sweden. Others negotiate, stall, or impose conditions. Poland falls into this second category, despite its front-line geographic position and exemplary defense spending.
Putin does not negotiate his support for the Russian military. He commands. The West deliberates, imposes conditions, and pauses. This is both the strength and the weakness of the democratic model—but when lives are at stake in Kherson, Donetsk, and Zaporizhzhia, the cost of this deliberation is measured in Ukrainian soldiers and bombed civilians.
The Next Challenge: EU Accession Clusters
Beyond the MiG-29s, Poland holds considerable leverage over Ukraine’s European future. In EU accession negotiations, Warsaw can block entire clusters if it deems that Kyiv is not meeting its requirements. Péter Magyar’s Hungary is already blocking the opening of the five remaining clusters. Add an angry Poland to the mix, and Ukraine’s accession agenda collapses.
This is precisely why the drone affair is not a minor bilateral incident. It is a harbinger of systemic conditionality that could slow Ukraine’s European integration at the very moment when its military victory seems more within reach. The fairness of these demands deserves to be frankly addressed in the corridors of Brussels.
Ukraine needs Poland. Poland needs a strong, democratic Ukraine on its eastern border. These two truths do not cancel each other out—they should compel both capitals to find common ground, away from the cameras. What I deplore is that we are discussing Bandera while Moscow is bombing Odessa.
The Ukrainian Position: Why Kyiv Has Not Delivered the Promised Drones
Ukrainian Drones: A Strategic Secret in Wartime
Ukraine has not officially explained why it withdrew from its drone agreements with Poland. But the context speaks for itself. FPV drones, long-range drones, and swarm drones have become Ukraine’s most effective weapon in this conflict. These are active weapons systems, whose technology is directly linked to the ability to strike deep into Russian territory.
Transferring this expertise to an ally—even one as close as Poland—carries real operational risks: the risk of intelligence leaks, the risk of exposing supply chains, and the risk that the Russians will adapt their countermeasures. Kyiv has not commented on Kosiniak-Kamysz’s statements—this silence is perhaps the most diplomatic response possible under the circumstances.
Combined Diplomatic Pressure: Drones, the EU, and Memory
What further complicates Ukraine’s position is that Poland is exerting pressure simultaneously on several fronts: the MiG-29s, the Bandera issue, and, implicitly, the EU accession negotiations. For Kyiv, giving in on the drones could set a precedent: if Poland secures a technological concession in exchange for the fighter jets, what will Warsaw’s next demand be to unblock European cluster munitions?
Ukraine is juggling simultaneous negotiations on multiple fronts—military, diplomatic, historical, and European—while waging a high-intensity war against the world’s second-largest army. Kyiv’s decision to protect its technological assets rather than deliver the expected drones comes at a cost. That cost is the MiG-29s waiting in Polish hangars.
I cannot condemn Kyiv for protecting its technological secrets in wartime. Nor can I condemn Warsaw for demanding genuine reciprocity. What I do condemn is that this impasse is being played out in public, through televised statements, rather than being resolved behind closed doors in negotiation rooms. War demands discretion and solidarity—in that order.
The Lesson of the Gripen: The Future Lies Beyond Soviet MiGs
The MiG-29s: Aircraft of the Past in a War of the Future
The MiG-29s have real operational value in the current conflict—Ukrainian pilots are familiar with them, spare parts are available, and the maintenance chain is well-established. But the future of Ukrainian aviation lies with the Gripen and F-16, which are fully compatible with NATO standards. The failure to deliver the nine Polish MiG-29s is a tactical setback, not a strategic disaster.
Ukraine has signed an agreement with Sweden for 16 additional Gripen E aircraft, in addition to the 16 Gripen C/D aircraft expected in early 2027. It has received F-16s from its Western partners. It is developing its own long-range drones with remarkable efficiency. The impasse with Warsaw over the Soviet-era fighters may, in hindsight, signal that Ukraine is turning a new page in its air doctrine.
What This Portrait Reveals About Europe in 2026
Kosiniak-Kamysz’s portrait is, in reality, a portrait of a Europe that is still seeking a balance between solidarity and national interest, between historical memory and the imperatives of collective security. Every European defense minister is making their own calculations, guided by their own electoral constraints and historical traumas. Kosiniak-Kamysz is no exception—he may be the most visible example of a trend sweeping across the entire continent.
Europe must decide whether it wants to be an alliance of convenience or an alliance of destiny. The answer to this question is playing out in part in the fighter jet negotiations between Warsaw and Kyiv, in the accession talks in Brussels, and in the televised statements of politicians who may have underestimated the weight of their words in times of war.
I don’t know how this impasse will end. I do know that Ukraine will eventually get Gripen jets, F-16s, and perhaps one day F-35s. The MiG-29s are relics of the Soviet past. Sometimes, deadlocks force us to make the right turns. I hope so for Ukraine—and for the West’s unity in the face of Moscow.
What This Impasse Reveals About Ukraine's Integration Challenges
EU Membership: A Process Amid High Geopolitical Tension
The Polish-Ukrainian impasse is not an isolated case. It is part of a broader picture in which Ukraine’s integration into the European Union is being slowed by several member states that are imposing conditions. Péter Magyar’s Hungary has been blocking the remaining five clusters since June 2026. Poland is threatening to block the clusters if its historical demands are not met. The European Commission has had to scale back its ambitions: only two clusters could be opened in July 2026.
For Ukraine, every month of delay in EU accession comes at a tangible cost: in deferred investments, delayed security guarantees, and the morale of a population awaiting confirmation that its future is indeed European. Zelenskyy knows this. That is why he maintains a firm stance on cultural sovereignty while seeking discreet diplomatic compromises on issues of historical memory.
The Geopolitics of Memory: When History Becomes a Bargaining Chip
The use of history as leverage in contemporary negotiations is a trend that extends beyond the Polish-Ukrainian issue alone. Russia itself has used the memory of World War II as an ideological justification for its invasion. The risk is that Ukraine’s allies will fall into the same trap: using the past to block the future, ultimately benefiting Putin.
A permanent bilateral Polish-Ukrainian commission on memory issues, composed of historians from both countries and equipped with a clear mandate, would be more useful than televised ultimatums. This work already exists in part—it deserves to be strengthened and institutionalized. History cannot be resolved through a few weeks of diplomatic pressure, but it can be managed with respect and academic rigor.
The use of historical memory as a bargaining chip in a wartime alliance makes me deeply uncomfortable. I respect Poland’s pain over Volhynia. I also respect Ukraine’s right to honor its own heroes of the resistance against Soviet occupation. These two sources of pain can coexist—if we stop exploiting them for political gain.
Conclusion: A Difficult Ally in a War Where There Is No Room for Error
Kosiniak-Kamysz: Neither a Traitor Nor a Saint
Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz is a serious politician in a serious country that takes its national defense seriously. His demand for reciprocity regarding the MiG-29s is understandable within the logic of modern alliances. His candor regarding Bandera reflects genuine and well-documented Polish public opinion. But the combination of these two positions, expressed publicly at a time when Ukraine is signing a strategic agreement with Sweden and continues to resist the Russian invader, creates a discordant effect that serves Moscow more than it does Kyiv.
What History Will Remember About 2026
History will record that Poland was among the first to deliver fighter jets to Ukraine in 2023. It will also record that Warsaw put the brakes on in 2026, amid a diplomatic sequence marked by historical tensions and transactional demands. Kosiniak-Kamysz did not betray Ukraine. But he reminded the world, with unintentional bluntness, that even in the most just wars, the closest allies have their own conditions—and that Ukraine must navigate them while fighting for its survival in the face of Russian aggression.
What I hope is that the next meeting between Kyiv and Warsaw will take place in private, without cameras, without televised ultimatums. These two countries share a common destiny in the face of Russia. They deserve better than public squabbles over Soviet-era aircraft that no one will want in ten years.
Signed, Maxime Marquette, columnist
Sources
Primary sources
Secondary sources
Militarnyi — Ukrainian military news — July 2026
Defence Ukraine — Defense and Armaments News — July 2026
United24 Media — Why Sweden Has Become One of Ukraine’s Largest Military Supporters — June 2026
This content was created with the help of AI.